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Title: The Anatomy of Fascism by ROBERT O. PAXTON ISBN: 1-4000-4094-9 Publisher: Knopf Pub. Date: 23 March, 2004 Format: Hardcover Volumes: 1 List Price(USD): $26.00 |
Average Customer Rating: 4 (4 reviews)
Rating: 3
Summary: Good single volume introduction to fascism
Comment: Fascism is the genus to which Nazism, Falangism, Francisme, the Arrow Cross, the Order of the Archangel Michael, the Ustasha, and possibly also certain strains of militant Islam belong. The book provides a very useful primer to the subject (which, by the way, goes well beyond a standard insult for supposed right wingers). It is, however, addressed to college students and won't be much fun for those with an occasional interest, nor very informative for those who have already read on the subject. But even people familiar with the subject can always use a single refresher source. The bibliographic essay is excellent, and the copious footnotes are very rewarding (who ever knew that Iceland had fascists?). The book is not as fulfilling as Payne's, but it is much shorter and up to date.
Although these things should be obvious to any college-educated person, it is still useful to assert that third world dictatorships (such as Pinochet or Mobutu) are not fascist, that Fascism's symbols must be rooted in a country's culture (so that Swastikas and Roman salutes are quite useless in most countries), that Fascism could achieve power only with the support of existing elites but was not a mere tool of those elites, and that Fascism was authentically democratic (this is a good lesson who believe democracy is always good no matter what its consequences), although it never came to power via an election.
Paxton is intriguing when he refers to his opinion that the USA, at the end of the '60s, was ripe for a fascist takeover. He refers to the revulsion many Americans felt for the counterculture of the time, the fear of many lower middle class white males at being left behind by women and blacks after the Civil Rights movement, and the likelihood that Vietnam War veterans might fail to be integrated into the new scheme of things and thus could perform a role similar to the fascist squadristi or the Nazi SA, and allow themselves to be used to frighten the electorate into a strong-arm fix to the crisis. He doesn't elaborate on this scenario, but it might have been viable if the American political system had failed to recover from the Nixon resignation. This would have been particularly likely after the oil crises of the 1970s if the two main parties had fallen apart. Remember that Wallace, then a racist, captured in 1968 13% of the popular vote, and 5 Southern states.
This is an interesting "What If" that the author could have explored further, although he probably chose not to in order not to bulk out the book excessively. Thus, it retains its sense of urgency and provides abundant interesting information on most pages.
In spite of these merits The book does make a serious blunder, when, in the final chapter, it compares Fascism to Communism and concludes that Nazism was far worse because it persecuted people for who they were, whereas Communism persecuted them because of what they did or had, and these things could be changed. This is blatantly untrue.
When Stalin ordered the kulaks to be liquidated as a class, he did not mean that those who gave up their excess property would be left alone. He meant that anyone classed as a kulak should be liquidated irrespective of what he did or didn't do. Indeed, many kulaks were not richer than their neigbours, and were classified as such only to fulfil the quotas imposed by the Vozhd.
When the Soviet Union or China created the groups "Enemies of the People", it included the children or spouses of such enemies of the people, who clearly couldn't have done anything to prevent it. "Enemies of the People" were persecuted, incarcerated and often killed.
And when Stalin ordered that the families of soldiers who did not stand their ground in battle should be punished (read: executed) he wasn't giving them any choice: how could the families prevent a relative from behaving cowardly? So, it is wrong, and not just factually, to state that Communism punished people only because of what they did. The implication that people under Communism could save themselves by changing their behaviour is also false, and deeply offensive. In reality Communism killed people for who they were, and for who their parents, or spouse, or children, or siblings were, or for the actions of their neighbours, and even for their own nationalities: witness the cruel deportation of the Chechens and other peoples during WWII. When top Bolsheviks ordered the murder of tens of thousands of Poles at the Katyn Massacre because these people were leaders in their communities (priests, teachers, nobles, etc.), just what could these victims have done to survive? When Mao, during the cultural revolution, sent urban students to "learn from the peasants" and live for years in unimaginable squalor, just what was he punishing?
I don't have a clear and articulated opinion on whether communism or fascism was worse (although I do know that in fascist states one would usually be left alone unless one belonged to a persecuted group- see Eric Johnson's "Nazi Terror"-, whereas in commuist states one could be swept along by the periodic purges irrespective of what one was and what one did- see Robert Conquest's "The Great Terror", inter alia), but I am certain that Paxton belittles the awfulness of Communist rule, and somehow assumes that its victims were to blame for what they suffered (since they wouldn't have been punished if they had changed their behaviour). To anyone who might be misled by Paxton's opinion, I can only recommend enduring texts such as Anne Appleabum's "Gulag: A History", or Solzhenitsyn's "Gulag Archpielago".
I still give Paxton 3 stars because this dubious opinion is marginal to his analysis (he clearly didn't think it through and might choose to elaborate the point in a further edition) and other than that the book is pretty good if slightly wooden.
Rating: 4
Summary: Fascinating, even if you don't like politics
Comment: Robert Paxton has written a comprehensive, intelligent overview of fascism in all its forms. Among the topics covered are:
1. A comparison of fascism with the three main political movements that preceeded it: liberalism, conservatism and socialism. It is highlighted that fascism was more about aesthetics and emotion than intellectual philosophy or reason (particularly compared with communism).
2. How and why fascist movements sprang up in certain countries and not others. There is a great explanation of the disillusionment after WWI and the longing for a new sense of national pride in people, which highlighted a political "gap" for fascism to emerge in.
3. How incumbant liberal and conservative governments made political deals with fascist parties out of fear of a communist onslaught. This gave fascisin Germany and Italy political legitimacy.
4. Whether or not fascism still exists today, and if it could make a resurgence. An alternative view of the Israel/Palestine conflict is presented.
This book is written in a highly intellectual style, and yet all the arguments are easy to understand. Each paragraph and chapter flows in logical procession. Little prior knowledge of fascism (or politics in general) is assumed, and the explanations and background information are well presented.
I bought this book as a present for my husband, since I normally read literary fiction, romances etc. The fact that I picked it up and was hooked (finished it before he did), is a testament to it's comprehensible style and content. It will appeal just as much to the lay person who likes to think, as to the scholar in the field. Get it, read it. You won't regret it.
Rating: 5
Summary: Fascinating and informative, even if you hate politics!
Comment: Robert O. Paxton has written a comprehensive introduction to, and discussion of fascism in all its forms. Some of the main topics the book deals with are:
1. Fascism compared with the other main political movements - liberalism, conservatism and socialism. Paxton points out that unlike these, Fascism is more about aesthetics and emotion rather than intellectual ideology and reason.
2. The factors which predisposed certain nations to fascism and not others. Particularly, the disillusionment and crises in politics following WW1, which created a gap in the political landscape for fascist movements to form.
3. How the fascist movements gained political legitimacy by making deals with incumbant conservatives and liberals who feared a communist takeover.
"Anatomy of Fascism" is certainly not an easy read - it is written in a highly intellectual style. Nevertheless, the arguments it proposes are always clear and understandable. I bought this book as a present for my husband, and I finished it before he did. I have never read political history or non-fiction before, as I always thought the topic too dry and boring. The fact that this book managed to captivate me (I normally read literature, romances etc), is a testament to it's comprehensible style and fascinating content.
The Anatomy of Fascism will appeal to the uninitiated novice as well as the student in the field. It assumes little prior knowledge of fascism and explains things in context, giving background information where necessary. The arguments unfold in a sequential, orderly manner. I would recommend this book to anyone who wants to "explore" political history, and see fascism in a new, more objective light.
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